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First Drafts, Conversations, Stories in Progress. Readers and staffers, primarily from Portland, Oregon, discuss and debate the various issues surrounding race, ethnicity, and class in the city.

One incident captures how residents are failing to hear one another or have any sympathy for one another: In this particular case that was a local black developer who had long been very active in the Albina neighborhood community who had gone through a quite lengthy negotiating process to develop that piece of land. The developer, Majestic Realty, was in fact based in California, but had hired a local minority-owned company , Colas Construction, as general contractor.

Boulevard, a busy thoroughfare that in the s used to be lined with fast-food restaurants, parking lots, water-stained buildings, roadside bars—more of a street to funnel people through than one to build community over, and one where my parents were skeptical of a teenage girl waiting for the bus.

In , according to an interactive map by The Oregonian , that intersection represented by a green dot below was in the heart of a food desert, with a significant number of low-income residents living more than half a mile from the nearest supermarket:.

That food-desert data makes this particular case—of a supermarket being shut out—feel like a loss. Grayson Dempsey, an year King resident who can see the vacant lot from her window, said she tried offering her support at neighborhood association meetings, but her voice was drowned out by the opposition.

Johns, the North Portland neighborhood where I grew up—historically blue-collar and racially diverse, though seemingly segregated from street to street—has been gentrifying rapidly too. What used to be a full aisle of affordable Asian and Hispanic foods has been cut down to about six feet of shelf space.

To compete with New Seasons, a clerk told her, Fred Meyer has changed its stock—getting rid of brands targeted at local minority populations, while expanding its range of pricier, health-conscious products favored by young white professionals.

Instead, she drives out to East Portland or Beaverton to stock up at the Asian stores, where the soy sauce and patis—Filipino fish sauce—comes cheaper and in bulk. Still, Fred Meyer, where the cashiers know her face and remember her college-age son as a toddler, is where she goes every week for convenience, when she wants to stay close to home.

Beyond the question of soy sauce, what cutting back on Latino brands means in an area with a growing Latino population is that this supermarket is failing to reflect its neighborhood, which makes my mom—and me—worry that it may be failing to serve those neighbors.

Where do you shop for food? Does your grocery store help you feel connected to your neighborhood? Do you prioritize convenience or cost? Foods that fit your culture or lifestyle? When a supermarket opens up in a food desert , how should it work to serve the existing community? It still tends not to, even as gentrification and displacement continue in Albina and other neighborhoods.

Albina now comprises the neighborhoods of Eliot , Boise , Humboldt , Irvington , King , Overlook , and Piedmont , plotted on this map:. There are around 38, African Americans in the city in Portland, according to Lisa K. Bates of Portland State University; in recent years, 10, of those 38, have had to move from the center city to its fringes because of rising prices. Her hometown is Portland, so she will have a lot of great insight to share during our ongoing reader discussion.

Even when it was the center of black culture in Portland, it was still 40 percent white. The third thing is over just how much safer though in some respects less fun this neighborhood is now. I too have had suspects pursued through my backyard, blocks cordoned off, gun fights in front of the house, I had to dive behind a car because of a drive-by [reported examples here and here ], been witness to and a victim of arson, and I can attest to this sad fact: As a homeowner here, amen to that.

Gun crimes, for one, are dispersed throughout Portland, not just the Albina area, where most of the black population is concentrated:. Residential burglary is similarly dispersed , while street robbery and non-domestic assaults are mostly concentrated downtown, across the river from Albina.

Henning said they devour so much crime news they think the city is more dangerous than it is. Another reader who lived in Albina makes a distinction between renters and homeowners in the neighborhood:. Yes, it was crime-ridden, dangerous, and full of abandoned houses. Yes, I witnessed quite a few drive-bys. And this has happened to quite a few of my renting friends who have lived in the neighborhood for over 20 years, and yes, they are white.

They purchased and refurbished a s bungalow as part of an urban renewal program. This made them the tip of the spear for gentrification, and the breakup of a historically black neighborhood. Like all people who kick off gentrification, they soon complained bitterly about the later newcomers who shoved property prices into the stratosphere. We moved from the area before I hit middle school, but I can confirm many of the points in the article.

Rentals proliferated through the neighborhood. The area was still rough when we lived there. Once in a blue moon there were gunshots at night.

My parents gave me lectures about not picking up trash and avoiding the used needles that littered public spaces. I vividly remember an incident when the police sealed off our entire block and ended up pursuing a fleeing man directly through our backyard.

But there was definitely a community there. It was a mix of black and working-class white people who seemed to get along in a day-to-day sense. I often wonder what became of our old neighbors. Several adjacent properties were owned by black people who seemed to be just holding steady. With property prices in that area increasing about 10x since then, I wonder if they could even afford the taxes for their places if they stayed. Portland in general is increasingly hostile to native populations from a financial standpoint.

Myself and my extended family were long ago shoved out into the suburbs. The real problem in Portland for working-class people of all colors is a lack of affordable housing. I lived in Portland in the s and have a child who lives there now. Urban renewal was not motivated by race; it was motivated by money. If you lived in a cute or interesting neighborhood and someone with more money came along and wanted to live there too, they got to stay and you had to go.

I had to leave Portland because I did not have the money or the job to stay. I had lived there for four years. I could have either lived in Tigard or I could have lived in Gresham. I was not pushed out of the downtown area because of my race; I was pushed out because of money. If you have also lived in Albina and want to provide any contrasting views and experiences, please drop us a note.

Update from a reader, Rob:. On the topic of gun crime, I can attest to a high level of shootings in NE Portland. I lived at the corner of Albina and Killingsworth for two years and there witnessed three shootings—two on the corner and one at the school, Jefferson, across the street.

Just googled it and looks like there was another one in February this year. And one last year. Gang violence is something no one in Portland talks about.

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Outside of having a gang-related task-force team with the police, you would never know. Does gentrification ever increase opportunity for poor residents? Definitely, according to Lance Freeman, the director of the Urban Planning program at Columbia. In an email he sent me last summer for a piece on gentrification , Freeman described some of the upsides:. Gentrification brings new amenities and services that benefit not only the newcomers but long term residents too.

Full-service supermarkets that carry fresh produce, restaurants where residents could dine in, and well-maintained parks are often lacking in poor neighborhoods prior to gentrification. For long-term residents who are able to stay, either due to housing subsidies, owning their home, or their own earning capacity improving, these changes are often appreciated.

And most residents are able to stay, at least according to a study that Freeman conducted with economist Frank Braconi; they found that low-income African Americans in New York City were more likely to remain in gentrifying neighborhoods than stagnant ones.

They noted similar findings in Boston. And middle-class African Americans who own their homes in Albina are likely to remain, thus blending with the middle-class newcomers of all backgrounds.

The risk, in my mind, is if the movement of people and money occurs too quickly, without reasonable measures in place to mitigate mass displacement e. A report by Governing magazine determined that Portland is, in fact, the fastest-gentrifying city in the U.

Do you have any strong views about gentrification, especially as it relates to Portland? Update from a reader:. I grew up in a multi-racial family, and my wife is African American.

The gentrification she describes was not targeted at black people specifically; it targeted blighted areas, which were poor and largely black. It was also happenstance the areas which received urban renewal initiatives were those closest to the downtown core.

If Lents SE PDX had gang violence, maybe it would have gotten gentrified and valuable. Urban renewal first happened in Northwest Portland, which is now a stomping ground for trustafarians from out of state. Nobody calls that gentrification though, because that area was mostly industrial and white before urban renewal.

Nobody forced anyone to move from these areas, black or white. The real estate became valuable though, excessively so. Part of the reason is because of the restrictive land-use laws in this state. There is an upper class, then very poor. They got pushed to an area in unincorporated Multnomah County, which already had other poor people and has been ignored by Portland City Hall for decades.

The only development in that area in 30 years has been the MAX line and subsidized housing. Housing in inner NE PDX became too valuable, so anyone on Section 8 got pushed out east. That is generally not a way for a property owned to be forced out. The answer lies in Measure 47, passed in and slightly modified by Measure 50, a legislative referral passed by voters in Further, unlike in some parts of the country, when a property in Portland sells, there is no change to the property tax.

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For continued reading on Albina, a reader recommends a history published in by the Portland Bureau of Planning:. As someone who lived in Portland for years, and now lives elsewhere in Oregon, I was glad to read the article by Alana Semuels. Lappeus was a former soldier that, after the Mexican-American War, helped form other veterans in into the Hounds.

The gang paralyzed the town with terror. Lappeus, as noted, started the Portland Police. The distant infrastructure in a relatively unpopulated part of the nation ended up continuing to be a good-old-boy infrastructure with more than a little splash of white criminal activity see [ crime boss ] Jim Elkins, for instance. The perception that the police, and general infrastructure, in Portland is racist is a historic fact.

The only way to really change it is to recognize and address it. There has been movement to that direction, but it has—and will be—slow going. ATLANTA—Around midnight, hours after their candidate conceded he had lost the Most Important Special Election in History, the last remaining supporters of Jon Ossoff took over the stage where he had recently stood.

One of them waved a bottle of vodka in the air. Together, they took up the time-honored leftist chant: But after a frenzied two-month runoff campaign between Ossoff and his Republican opponent, Karen Handel, the Democrat wound up with about the same proportion of the vote—48 percent—as Hillary Clinton got here in November. If this race was a referendum on Trump, the president won it.

A new book points to the importance of strong conservative parties—and warns about the consequences when they fall short. Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy is written in fire. It delves deep into long-forgotten electoral histories to emerge with insights of Tocquevillian power, to illuminate not only the past but also the present and future.

The non-rich always outnumber the rich. Democracy enables the many to outvote the few: If the few possess power and wealth, they may respond to this prospect by resisting democracy before it arrives—or sabotaging it afterward.

The Republican triumph in an affluent, educated Georgia congressional district showed GOP voters standing by their president. Notwithstanding national polls suggesting about 39 percent approval for the Republican president, a more-or-less standard-issue Republican candidate won by about 4 percentage points in exactly the kind of affluent, educated district supposedly most at risk in the Trump era.

But a big win is not the same thing as good news. The special elections of May and June offered Republicans a last chance for a course correction before the election cycle starts in earnest. A loss in Georgia would have sent a message of caution.

The victory discredits that argument, and empowers those who want Trumpism without restraint, starting with the president himself. With the powers in Pyongyang working doggedly toward making this possible—building an ICBM and shrinking a nuke to fit on it—analysts now predict that Kim Jong Un will have the capability before Donald Trump completes one four-year term.

Though given to reckless oaths, Trump is not in this case saying anything that departs significantly from the past half century of futile American policy toward North Korea.

Preventing the Kim dynasty from having a nuclear device was an American priority long before Pyongyang exploded its first nuke, in , during the administration of George W. The Kim regime detonated four more while Barack Obama was in the White House. In the more than four decades since Richard Nixon held office, the U. A video previously seen by the jury shows what happened in the moments leading up to the shooting.

Dashcam footage seen by investigators and members of the courtroom during the trial of former police officer Jeronimo Yanez was made public Tuesday, shedding new light on the shooting of year-old Philando Castile.

Yanez was previously accused of second-degree manslaughter after he repeatedly shot Castile at a traffic stop in a suburb of St.

Paul, Minnesota, but was acquitted of all charges on Friday. Defense attorneys argued that Yanez feared for his life after Castile informed him he had a gun in the car for which he had obtained a legal permit. The video below contains graphic content. If the party cares about winning, it needs to learn how to appeal to the white working class.

The strategy was simple.

A demographic wave—long-building, still-building—would carry the party to victory, and liberalism to generational advantage. The wave was inevitable, unstoppable.

It would not crest for many years, and in the meantime, there would be losses—losses in the midterms and in special elections; in statehouses and in districts and counties and municipalities outside major cities. Losses in places and elections where the white vote was especially strong.

But the presidency could offset these losses. Every four years the wave would swell, receding again thereafter but coming back in the next presidential cycle, higher, higher. The presidency was everything. The myth, which liberals like myself find tempting, is that only the right has changed. In June , we tell ourselves, Donald Trump rode down his golden escalator and pretty soon nativism, long a feature of conservative politics, had engulfed it.

If the right has grown more nationalistic, the left has grown less so. A decade ago, liberals publicly questioned immigration in ways that would shock many progressives today. Listen to the audio version of this article: Download the Audm app for your iPhone to listen to more titles.

Two architects of their party's last congressional victory argue Democrats need to recruit candidates who match their districts and offer voters a detailed agenda. Donald Trump is a historically unpopular president, and Republicans in Congress are pushing through a remarkably unpopular agenda. Some see as their own Tea Party moment to sweep even the bluest of candidates to victory in the reddest of districts.

So how can Democrats ensure that delivers the success they failed to achieve in ? If their overriding objective in is to save the country, not realign the Democratic Party, Democrats need to look back to the last time they won back the House in We helped coordinate that effort, and the lessons we learned then still apply today.

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The quality and variety of food in the U. The business seems to be struggling. But in cities across the U. Because if memory serves, her boss is notorious for attacking a few people personally. Three hundred and thirty-two of them , to be exact. Global News Notes Photo Video Events Writers Projects. Magazine Current issue All issues Manage subscription Subscribe. More Create account Your account Sign in Sign out Newsletters Audio Life Timeline Events Books Shop View all.

Search Search Quick Links James Fallows Ta Nehisi Coates Manage subscription. Search The Atlantic Quick Links James Fallows Ta Nehisi Coates Manage subscription. Notes First Drafts, Conversations, Stories in Progress. Race Relations in Portland. Show 5 Newer Notes. A reader pushes back with a little more background: In , according to an interactive map by The Oregonian , that intersection represented by a green dot below was in the heart of a food desert, with a significant number of low-income residents living more than half a mile from the nearest supermarket: Residents and Readers Debate.

Albina now comprises the neighborhoods of Eliot , Boise , Humboldt , Irvington , King , Overlook , and Piedmont , plotted on this map: From a paper by Karen J. Gun crimes, for one, are dispersed throughout Portland, not just the Albina area, where most of the black population is concentrated: Criminal Justice Policy Research Institute, Portland State University Residential burglary is similarly dispersed , while street robbery and non-domestic assaults are mostly concentrated downtown, across the river from Albina.

Another reader who lived in Albina makes a distinction between renters and homeowners in the neighborhood: Update from a reader, Rob: In an email he sent me last summer for a piece on gentrification , Freeman described some of the upsides: Update from a reader: Our Goofy Property Tax System.

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